China Child Policy Essay Example for Free

mainland China Child Policy EssayOne of the things that people adore and appreciate about the U.S.A is the fact that its a free country. There is about 322 million people that live in the U.S, each day tag thousands of new lives and deaths. Some people, manage myself enjoy big and crowded families so they usually support more than 1 fry. Now imagine having three kids and have two of them taken a mien from you because youre not supposed to have more than 1. It sounds unfair and controlling but in China the integrity child insurance takes place. Chinas one child policy was first announced in 1979 by the Chinese president Deng Xiaoping as a method of controlling the fast growing population to help raise living standards. The policy limits couples to one child. In 1983 fourteen million women in mainland China had abortions forced and organized by the same family-planning committee that killed Fengs baby. In 2009, there were six million abortions. Now the government is working on let certain couples have an extra child but only if both parties were born under the one child policy and had no siblings growing up.That way they prevent a drastic decrease in the population. I, personally think its unfair and too controlling of the Chinese government to control how many another(prenominal) kids a family can have because its cruel and unfair to break up families like that. If a woman dares to get pregnant a minute of arc time, fines, pressures to abort the baby, and even forced sterilization will accompany her through her second pregnancy. For example a 23 year-old Chinese girl called Feng Jiamei was forced into abortion in the seventh month of pregnancy, the baby was killed by local Chinese family-planning officials. For one thing, people should have the freedom to decide how big a family they want. Chinas once child policy takes away Chinese peoples human rights. Most Chinese kids dont know what it feels like to have siblings, aunties, uncles, cousins etc. The Chinese government basically a dictatorship because they tell people how to run their families. Chinas one child policy takes away from the peoples human rights and I believe the Chinese population should rise up against the government and the one child policy policy because thats unfair and the punishments such as forced abortion and sterilization are cruel and unusual. Chinese people need to rise up one day and let their voices be heard.

Women and their role in the labor movement and unions in Canadian History Essay Example for Free

Women and their role in the labor fecal matter and unions in Canadian History EssayEqual employment constitution for women stands at an historic juncture in the advanced industrial democracies. In Canada, a federal Human Rights Act went into effect March 1, 1978 . It not alone established a commission to handle complaints of discrimination but also introduced the principle of tinct pay for work of embody value, making possible the margin upward of womens wages based on a comparison of the rates of pay for women who work in disstandardized jobs. This represents a radical departure from similar indemnity in other countries. Four approaches to equal opportunity and equal pay policy stand out collective agreements between hand unions and employers a legal strategy emphasizing litigation a legal strategy involving administrative enforcement and command employment and training programs.The activities of womens validations and of women in trade unions facilitated the achievem ent of equal opportunity policy through these means. The time, courage, and commitment which so numerous women have given to formulating, implementing, and fighting for equal pay and equal opportunity policies are the basics of the successes that have been achieved. This work will develop a heightened appreciation of the womens labor movement and consider its role in Canadian history.Since the 1900s, Canadian womens groups have remained inexpugnable and consistent voices for reforming or creating policies influencing labor policies. At the turn of the century, several womens groups were actively involved in brotherly reform, but the roughly influential was the National Council of Women of Canada (NCWC). Founded in 1893, NCWC was established by middle-class women who believed that womens mothering and nurturing within the home could be transferred to the human race sphere, resulting in more humane and progressive social policies. This ideology has been labeled motherlike femini sm.NCWC lobbied for childrens aid societies, mothers pensions, minimum age-of-work legislation, and curfew and truancy acts as strategies to reduce juvenile delinquency. Although members campaigned for jobs for women in social work, teaching, nursing, recreation, and police work, they undercut the same professional advances by insisting that womens most natural place was at home.Numerous other womens groups began in the early years of the twentieth century. For example, the Young Womens Christian Association centre on providing a safe place for young urban working women to live, and has continued to provide accommodation, community activities, and support groups for women and their families up to the present.The Womens Christian Temperance Union promoted child apology legislation and reformatories for juvenile delinquents, as well as fighting for the prohibition of alcohol which was viewed as detrimental to family life. The Canadian Federation of Womens patience Leagues also focu sed on concrete reforms of working conditions such as maternity leave and equal pay for equal work. Womens groups flourished during the first half of the twentieth century, although most pass judgment the patriarchal family and worked within the usance of volunteerism.Mary Corse, member of the ITUs womens auxiliary and co-founder of the Womens Labor League in Calgary, was the lone layaboutdidate to win a seat on the school board. All other eleven candidates were defeated. After a spring of distraction and a summer of preparation, the Calgary branch of the Dominion Labor Party (DLP) came into beingness in September 1919. Its model was the Alberta DLP, formed eight months earlier, and both branches adopted a constitution and platform loosely based on those of the British Labor Party.Local labor figures were quick to point out this connection. The meeting concluded with the election of Pryde as party president, Alice Corliss as vice-president, and Edith Patterson as secretary-treas urer. This strong representation of women in senior positions in all, three of the seven executive officials were women would be an enduring feature of the DLP throughout the 1920s. According to historian Roome (1989), the Calgary DLP had a core of fifty to 75 active female members, consisting of single working women usually teachers or journalists and married women belonging to union auxiliaries.A Canadian-American Womens Committee on International Relations make up of the Womens Committee on International Relations of Canada and the U.S. National Committee on the Cause and Cure of War had been established to examine problems of joint interest to women. It held a conference in Montreal in April 1943 which was attended by seventy delegates. Frances Perkins, Margaret Bondfield, Rose Schneiderman, and several senior members of the ILO staff (including the Acting Director and Assistant Director) intercommunicate the conference and discussed the wartime activities of the ILO. A r ound table session, at which Elizabeth Mayer Johnstone reviewed the wide gains of women during the war, gave special attention to the problems of domestic workers.A scrap potential influence on attitudes was the re-emergence of libber activity in Canada during the 1960s. Second-wave feminism has challenged the more social and economic barriers to womens full participation in humans life and widened womens experiences, aspirations and social expectations. The womens movement in Canada incorporates many different forms of feminist philosophies (for example liberal feminism, radical feminism and socialist feminism) which have all contributed to the policy objectives of the womens movement and constructed a feminist agenda for social change. Although the focus of these different strains is distinct and they have, at times, come into conflict with each other, they can often be found within a single movement organization such as National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC).T he contemporary womens movement in Canada has benefited immeasurably from a long tradition of womens voluntary associations. Religious groups such as the Anglican Church Women, the United Church Women, and the Catholic Womens League, and other groups such as the National Womens Institutes (a national organization of largely rural and small town women), the National Council of Women, the Canadian Federation of University Women, the Imperial Orders of Daughters of the Empire, and the Fdration des femmes de Qubec, have been in creation long enough to have built national networks of women with some(prenominal) interlocking memberships and considerable ongoing exchange of protestation. The NAC developed from a coalition of these and other trade union and professional women.The improvement of equal pay laws in Canada owes much to a voluntary organization NAC. An umbrella organization with a membership consisting of more or less 130 Canadian organizations, NAC has a combined membership of about 5 million women. NAC later expanded its agenda and became an active lobbyist on behalf of the concerns of Canadian women. Since its ancestry in 1972, the organization has been active in the struggle for improved labor legislation, including the enactment into Canadian federal law of the ILO Convention 100 concept of equal remuneration for work of equal value.The main impetus for NACs formation came out of the gouge put on the prime minister of Canada and his cabinet by a group of leading Canadian women to create a Royal Commission on the Status of Women (RCSW). Royal commissions in Canada perform an great role in the study of special issuesfrom taxation, to the relations of labor and capital, to national security. The commissions vary widely in their composition and goals but the approach of most is similar. They research the issue, hold public hearings across the country, receive briefs, and make recommendations for legislative and administrative reform. On the matter of equal pay, this commissions recommendations were strong and sweeping.As a result, in 1973 the federal politics prescribed a Minister Responsible for the Status of Women and a government department (Status of Women Canada) to co-ordinate efforts to promote the advancement of women. Because women are closely aligned with children and family, numerous family policy issues have been promoted. In the same year, the federal government established the Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women (CACSW), a para-governmental organization to advise government and inform the public through research and education.For over twenty years, the CACSW researched and analyzed numerous issues relating to family policy, such as reproduction, family law, child care, and employment leave for family responsibilities. After the 1995 cut-backs, however, the CACSW was dissolved and some of its functions merged with government. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, provincial advisory councils also monitore d womens status and provided research and information on family issues.Feminist groups have also initiated and developed important family services at the local level, especially transition houses for women and their children fleeing from abusive homes. While the shelter movement began as a feminist substitute(a) to mainstream social services, many transition houses now receive government funding. By the mid-1980s, however, womens groups focused more on preventing the erosion of social programs than on pushing for new ones, with greater public concern over government spending and a backlash against feminism.Since 1983, the conservative group REAL Women of Canada (Real, Equal and Active for Life) has argued that the state is undermining the traditional family by responding to alternative lifestyles and by funding interest groups such as NAC. REAL Women, with roots in the western Canada anti-abortion or pro-life movement and in fundamentalist Christianity, promotes stronger government support for home-makers but opposes abortion, liberal divorce laws, pay equity, and universal day care.Several recent innovative initiatives are worthy of note. In June of 1995, after a year of intense planning, three branches of the 10-day Qubec Womens March Against Poverty converged on the National Assembly in Qubec City to join 15,000 supporters. This March was initiated by the Fdration des femmes du Qubec, and organized by more than 40 groups including unions, anti-poverty groups, immigrant groups and womens organizations.The March was quite a success in response to their nine demands, the Qubec government agree to raise the minimum wage to introduce a proactive pay equity law to deduct child support payments automatically to set excursion 5 per cent of social housing for poor women and five places for every 15 in non-traditional trades to reduce the length of sponsorship for immigrant women to allocate money to the social thriftiness to generate jobs to extend basic employmen t standards to those on workfare and to freeze student fees.Building on this initiative, NAC and the CLC sponsored a national womens March Against Poverty For bread and roses, for jobs and umpire in May and June of 1996. Caravans traveled to Ottawa from both the west and east coast stopping in over 100 communities.The March ended with a two-day womens Tent City and a protest rally of over 40,000 women at Parliament Hill which demonstrated against the right wing corporate and government agenda. The Canadian union movement was actively involved in building the World March of Women launched on 8 March 2000 and culminating on 17 October 2000, the International daylight for the Elimination of Poverty. This worldwide activity endorsed by over 200 countries and 2200 organisations was initiated by the Fdration des femmes du Qubec modelled on their successful 1995 March.Over the historic century, Canadian womens groups have made a strong impact on policy reform. The socialization explanat ion argues that the impact of the movement and the policy positions promoted by womens groups during this second wave of feminist activity, have led to growing differences in womens and mens attitudes. The Canadian womens movement has acted as an advocate for many political issues touching the lives of women. Social eudaemonia policies, and questions of international and domestic force and violence along with feminism and equality issues have frequently been found on the movements agenda.By conveying pro-women policy positions to politicians and the general public through lobbying efforts, the mass media, and the educational system, the movement has become an active agent of socialization in society, providing a political space in which women can reconceptualize their social identity. Trade union women worked with community based feminist groups, both to build coalitions around key issues such as childcare and pay equity, and to pressure the union movement to respond to the feminist challenge. Canadian womens movement have had an important impact on the politics and practices of the Canadian life, weakening the tendency towards single solutions and introducing (and reintroducing) a class perspective.Coalition strategies both respond to and highlight the significance of diversity in the Canadian context, that is, they represent recognition of power dynamics and an organisational alternative to homogeneous organizations. Whatever the debates about the success of the womens movement or about a perceived growing backlash against feminist goals, there is piffling doubt that in Canada it has greatly altered the political agenda and has helped pioneer new forms of political action. It has indeed brought the personal into the political arena.Works CitedBall A. Organizing working Women The Womens Labor Leagues. Canadian Dimension 21(8) 1988.Cohen M. The Canadian Womens Movement. In Pierson et al., 1993.Everitt, Joanna The Gender Gap in Canada Now You See It, Now You Dont. Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology. Vol. 35 (2), 1998.Kealey, Gregory S., and Peter Warrian, eds. Essays in Canadian Working Class History. Toronto McClelland and Stewart, 1976.Kearney, Kathryn. Canadian Women and the First World War, Canadian Woman Studies 3 (1), 1981.Palmer, Bryan D. Working-Class Experience Rethinking the History of Canadian Labor, 1800-1991. 2nd ed. Toronto McClelland and Stewart, 1992.Roome, Patricia. Amelia Turner and Calgary Labor Women, in Beyond the Vote Canadian Women and Politics, ed. Linda Kealey and Joan Sangster,. Toronto University of Toronto Press, 1989.REAL Women of Canada. Brief to Members of Parliament. 18 November 1986.Vickers, J., P. Rankin and C. Appelle. Politics as if Women Mattered A Political abstract of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women. Toronto Univ. of Toronto Pr. 1993.

Religion In Prison Philosophy Essay

Religion In Prison Philosophy EssayThere atomic number 18 umteen aspects that constitute the day to day sustenance of a human be. Some aspects ar done as a matter of routine while others are done as a matter of necessity. Religion is one of the aspects that has over the days continued and still is playing an important use in the flavour of man. Religion by definition refers to the belief in the existence of a supernatural macrocosm to whom all reverence, adoration and reverence is given. This discussion looks at life in prison and how different or similar it is with the religion that is practiced in the federation.Life in prison is pretty tough especially for those who are find outting in there for the first time. It is almost unbearable and most inmates wonder if they can arduously make in the harsh environment that is feature film of prisons. To enable most prisoners cope with the difficult life behind(predicate) bars, prison officials have introduced different ide as and concepts which are meant to make prisoners forget for sometime that they are behind bars and feel just as if they were in the society (Arthur, 2005).One of the aspects that have been introduced in prisons and one that has proven efficacious is religion. Until recently, the issue of religion among prisoners has forever taken center stage with a debate ranging on whether prisoners have a right or non to practice religion. It was argued that since inclination to a certain(p) religion is freedom in itself, prisoners should not be allowed to have this freedom since their freedom is already curtailed by virtue of the fact that they are in prison. after(prenominal) a series of court battles, it was decided that prisoners equally have a right to religion and to idolization in whichever manner that they deem fit. The method of worship chosen by the prisoners however should not be one that contravenes the law (Jim, 2010).Inmates are only allowed to practice the main religious con fidences allowed which include Catholicism, Islam, Jewish faith and Protestantism. Inmates are also allows to practice Hinduism, Jehovah witness and other native religions that are recognized in the society. Besides being allowed to practice these religions, sometimes the inmates are treated to inspirational programs from men of the cloth who are allowed to come up and talk to them and instill in them faith and hope for the future (Michael, 2010).There are many reasons as to why prisoners turn to religion. Life in prison can be in truth challenging especially if the prisoner is going to spend the succeeding(a) couple of years behind bars. Some inmates feel like it is the end of the road for them and others go to an extent of wanting to take their lives (Michael, 2010). Religion therefore gives them guardianship and gives them a reason to want to hold on and give them hope for a better future. Religion also gives inmates a peace of mind which is not easy to find in the life behind bars. Religion also makes a prisoner feel safe from the otherwise harsh and sometimes violent environment of prison (Thomas, 2003).Besides the positive bear ons that religion is said to have among inmates, it has also been argued that religion has been abused by inmates who use religion to go beyond the limitations of the prison rules and regulations. It is believed that some prisoners who appear to be deeply rooted in religion in fact use religion to be able to get and pass on forbidden items, what is k directn as contraband such as drugs, weapons and food to other prisoners at a cost. This allegation has also been back up by the fact that most prisoners who have deep ties in religion while behind bars tend to re-offend once released back into the society. This only goes to reaffirm that indeed, at times religion in prison is only a cover up to be able to do so much without being suspected (Beckford Gillait 2008).Religion has also been said playing an instrumental role in the process of rehabilitation and behavioral change. Religion has a way of commission without heavy reprimand and this helps the inmates to see the need to change from their wayward ways and become better members of the society. Religion has also helped most prisoners to change their perception near their own self. When a prisoner is incarcerated, they are made to feel that they are different from other members of the society. However, religion makes inmates understand that there is no difference in the midst of them and other people in the society and that if only they could change from their ways then they could go back to the society and become part of the same society that view them as different (Jim, 2010).When an accused person is ar easeed, they are later to taken to court and charged with a particular crime or offence. in one case they are found guilty of the crime with which they are charged, they are sentenced and most of them end up being locked behind bars for a couple o f years where they serve their sentences (Arthur, 2005). Life behind bars is punishment enough. Being denied basic rights like good food and comfortable shelter and clothing is punishment in itself. Religion has therefore been integrated to become part of the prison life to make it bearable. It is important to note that prisoners should be allowed to carry out all religious practices that are laid out by the faith that they profess provided that the religious practices do not go against the rules and regulations of prisons. No religion should be given preference over the other so that every prisoner should have a right to practice any religion provided it falls under the category of the allowed religions in the country (Jim, 2010).As already mentioned earlier in this discussion, due to the harsh environment that is characteristic of prisons, most prisoners, especially first time offenders find it hard to adjust to the environment. However, statistics indicate that since the introdu ction of religion in prisons, the environment seems friendlier and bearable and this has helped many prisoners find it easy to adjust to the prison life (Thomas Nathaniel 2003).The United States of the States is one of the countries that have been on the forefront in ensuring that the rights of prisoners as far as freedom of worship and religion is concerned are respected. Although it is still in the this country that many battles have been fought to ensure that prisoners get their rights, it was a worthwhile battle because today, prisoners incarcerated in United States of America prisons have been guaranteed unlimited freedom of worship and religion. However, according to the recent court ruling regarding the freedom of religion and worship for inmates, this freedom is curtailed to a certain extent when the safety and function of the prison frame is at jeopardy (Jim, 2010).In prison, the kind of religion practiced is somewhat different with the kind of religion practiced in the s ociety. Due to the set up of the prison system, prisoners are forced to practice religion as individuals. However, sometimes, they are allowed to practice as a group as religion in prisons has now been structured anew to allow a more organized kind of setup. The prison officials always organize for prison visits by religious groups from different faiths that come to minister to prisoners. The pastoral care offered by these groups is both for the inmates and also for the correctional officials (Beckford Gillait 2008).There are programs that have been put in place to facilitate such visits and to ensure that religion in prison is practiced smoothly. Besides these programs, some correctional facilities in addition offer musing programs like yoga, mediation and contemplative prayers. Although these practices are viewed by many to be secular, most of the times they are given sponsorship by religious organization on the basis that these practices are very helpful in enabling a prisoner to reform (Thomas Nathaniel 2003).While we can unanimously agree that religion has been very instrumental in devising prisons better places and making the environmental more bearable, we must also agree that enough is yet to be done to make the impact of religion in prisons fully matte up especially among the prisoners. Perhaps due to the numerous debates on the curtailing of prisoners right to enjoy the freedom of religion, most prisoners have not enjoyed to the full the integration of religion in prisons (Jim, 2010).Perhaps the first question we can ask ourselves is whether indeed prisons need religion. The answer to this question is a resounding yes based on the above discussion. Then the next question to which we need an answer is what more can be done to make the impacts of religion in prison felt in a greater way? The first thing that needs to be done to ensure that religion impacts prisoners in a great and effective way is to make prisoners feel that they are a part of the society. In many prisons, almost all, prisoners are alienated both physically and psychologically from the rest of the society and they are made to feel that they are different from other people in the society. This means that even when religion is integrated in prisons, prisoners are made to feel that it is a favor that is being done to them. Therefore, if the correction officials, the federal government and the society at large can begin display prisoners as ordinary people who have only brushed with the law the wrong way, then it would be easier for religion to have an even greater impact among incarcerated inmates (Beckford Gillait 2008).If religion among inmates can be enhanced in a greater way that it is being done presently, then we can reduce cases of inmates who re-offend after being released. This would also reduce by a great margin the rate of crime in the society as it is believed that most heinous crimes that are committed are by hardcore criminals who have already done one or more jail terms (Arthur, 2005). I therefore believe that the role played by religion is great and one that should not be underestimated.

Identity Formation and the Development of National Interest

individualism Formation and the Development of National InterestConstructivism Ideas, Identity and Foreign PolicyIn the analysis of world(prenominal) politics, the service of indistinguishability formation and how national interests argon c at one timeived should acquaint central issues, as they are inextricably linked to a supposes foreign policy. The importance of identities results from the fact that they perform deuce vital functions expressing to the self and new(prenominal)s who the self is, as well as expressing to the self who others are. payable to the first function, having a certain identity determines an associated cast of preferences regarding the choices of action in various circumstances and when different actors are involved. That is why a enounces identity generates its interests and concomitant behaviour towards fellow members and situations related to the international system. The second function implies that a state perceives others according to the i dentities it attri barelyes to them, triumphion at the same time reproducing its own identity through mixer interaction and practice (Tajfel, 1981255). These notions have been conceptualised and emphasised in IR theory by constructivist scholars, who argue that global politics originates not only in the international system that also in an international society. Constructivists stress the constitutive beliefs of ideas and norms that set the parameters within which identities and interests are formulated (Brown and Ainley, 200349). When studying inter-state relations, it has become requirement to analyse how ideas are pull ind, how they evolve and influence states perceptions and response to their situation. In order to achieve much(prenominal) an objective, constructivism plays a key role by promoting the tenet that the vogue in which the cloth world shapes and is shaped by valet action and interaction depends on dynamic normative and epistemic interpretations of the te mporal world (Adler, 1997322). From this perspective, constructivist corpseworks try that even the close to enduring institutions are based on collective understandings. Their important contribution to the study of IR lies mainly in emphasising the ontological truthfulness of intersubjective knowledge, along with its epistemological and methodological implications. That is why constructivism argues international relations consist primarily of tender facts, which have acquired such a status due to human agreement. They represent reified structures that were conceived ex nihilo by human consciousness, subsequently being diffused and consolidated until they were perplexn for granted (Adler, 1997322-323).Constructivist scholars also believe that actors attach meanings to and cognitively frame the material world as well as their experiences. So collective understandings or the distribution of knowledge offer the reasons why certain elements are as they are, as well as the indicatio ns as to how actors should deploy their material capabilities (Wendt, 1992397).One might deduce from the previous statement that the context of collective meanings structures the preferences and behaviour of political actors, which would suggest that constructivism features deterministic tendencies. On the contrary, its theoretical premises have a much more nuanced nature and the constructivist position within the agency-structure debate asserts that the two elements are mutually constitutive. Constructivism argues that meaningful conduct is possible only within an intersubjective social context, since agents develop relations with and understandings of others via ideas, norms and practices. In their absence, actions like the exercise of power would be clean-handed of meaning because ideas and norms have constitutive effects on identity, specifying the features that will enable others to screw that identity and respond to it accordingly (Jep psyche, Wendt and Katzenstein, 199654). In this process, agents exert their influence by consciously perpetuating and reproducing the social context through their prolonged actions and practices. A monumental point to remember is that structure becomes meaningless without some intersubjective set of ideas and norms, so neither anarchy nor the distribution of capabilities al oneness can socialise states to a particular conduct (Dessler, 1989459-460).Until now the discussion of constructivism has mentioned several(prenominal) times the notions of constitutive effects or being mutually constitutive, but without describing more elaborately what they entail. The relation of constitution must be differentiated from that of causality, as constitutive theories enquire about the conditions which represent a phenomenon, chip ining it possible. In this respect, Robert Cummins employs the concept of property theories because they have a different objective from causal explanations to account for the properties of things by refere nce to the structures in justness of which they exist (Cummins, 1983). Another key aspect of constitutive theorising refers to the fact that the counterfactual claim of necessity is conceptual or logical, not causal or indispensable (Wendt, 1998106). For instance, the conditions constituting a phenomenon define what the latter is, which conveys a relationship of identity not causal determination. These two components are inextricably linked, so that when the conditions come into being, the phenomenon comes into being with them. By contrast, causal explanations rest on two different assumptions the factors causing an event exist independently from their outcome and are also temporally prior to it. If one applies these theoretical assumptions to the context of ideas, several implications become immediately apparent. The significant role that ideas play in international relations is fully acknowledged only when we recognise their constitutive effects (Wendt, 199987). The relationship of constitution derives from the fact that ideas create political outcomes by shaping their properties, meanings, perceptions or interpretations. These are in turn dependent on their ideational source, they exist only in virtue of those ideas terrorism cannot be conceived apart from a national security give-and-take that defines it. The national security sermon is in turn inextricably linked to constructing a notion of terrorism, since without it the concept would be meaningless.When analysing foreign policy, dominant schools of thought in IR theory ordinarily ignore ideas and identity or regard them as intervening variables at best, helping to account for outcomes which surpass the explanatory abilities of traditional materialist factors like power and interests. The salute in question is problematic as it does not encompass fully the ideational impact ideas in fact create materialist causes. The bottom line of what becomes most contested in the materialist-idealist debate i s the relative contribution of brute material forces to power and interest explanations as opposed to ideas (Wendt, 199994). At this point it might be useful to consider briefly the traditional view of materialism which originates in Marxism. The classical Marxist dichotomy portrays the material base as the mode of production, while culture, ideology and other ideational factors belong to a non-material superstructure. Wendt believes the same principles can be extended and applied to naive realism after all, modes of destruction are as basic as modes of production (Wendt, 199994). Both instances contain a crucial issue, namely that ideational factors become completely separated from economic and military considerations. here(predicate) D.V. Porpora noted a conceptual contradiction, considering the fact that Marxism defines the modes of production not only via forces, but also via relations of production. Relations represent ideational phenomena embodied by institutions that ultima tely refer to shared norms (Porpora, 1993214). The obvious implication points to the fact that the material base of Marxism is actually infused with ideas and norms, which also reveals their constitutive role concerning materialism generallyTo gain reinforce such an argument, it is necessary to quarrel the accomplished materialist view of interests by acknowledging their nature interests are actually cognitions or ideas. This perspective has been promoted by two explicit fields of knowledge and their associated scholars cultural anthropology and philosophy. Drawing on cognitive psychology, the anthropologist R.G. DAndrade (199228) sees interests, desires or motivations as schemas (frames, representations, ideas), which reflect knowledge structures that make possible the acknowledgement of objects and events. A significant aspect to remember is that schemas are not given by human nature. DAndrade (199231) admits that some interests can be rooted in biological drives which allud es to their material nature, but biology fails to explain most of the goals human beings seem capable of pursuing and these are learned through assimilation. In this consciousness, the anthropologist offers the example of an interest for achievement it implies a social standard about what counts as a legitimate aspiration and the individuals desiring to achieve have internalised that standard as a cognitive schema (DAndrade, 199235). A very similar opinion has been advanced by R.B.K. Howe who draws on philosophy to articulate a cognitive theory of interest or desire. He too acknowledges that biological tools influence interests, yet even very primitive desires are mostly directionless and depend on beliefs or ideas about what is desirable to render them meaningful (Howe, 1994). That is why ideas play a key role in defining and directing material gather ups one perceives a goal as valuable, which in turn determines ones interest in accomplishing it. These perceptions are learne d sometimes by interacting with nature which resonates with materialist factors, but mostly they are learned through socialisation to culture an inherently idealist phenomenon (Howe, 1994). Consequently, having reached similar conclusions starting from different premises, scholars in cultural anthropology and philosophy identify the cognitive basis of interests, or that ideas and not material drives create interests to a great extent.In foreign policy analysis, the concept of national interest has been accorded considerably more explanatory ability compared to other variables, in particular due to the influence of the classical realist and neorealist frameworks. However, is its nature inherently materialist and objective as the realist school of thought would have one believe? Or does it rather represent the product and construct of different interpretation processes, in which case ideas and identity become essential? The neorealist approach to international relations rests on th e assumptions that the distribution of material capability in the states system can be objectively assessed and that threats to national interests can be accurately recognised. Such a perspective largely ignores that threats are not self-evident and the national interest, when confronted with a problematic situation, becomes a matter of interpretation (Weldes, 1996279), hence the significant influence of ideas and identity. Moreover, constructivism convincingly challenges the objective and materialist view of realism concerning national interests, reintroducing the crucial role of ideas and identity. It does so by promoting the tenet that people act towards objects, including other actors, on the basis of the meanings that the objects have for them (Wendt, 1992396-397). Wendts work has had a natural contribution in reconceptualising the national interest as the product of intersubjective processes of meaning creation. Nevertheless, consistent with the neorealist tradition, he regar ds states through the black box metaphor, their internal processes being remote to the construction of state identities and interests. Wendt (1992401) argues that the meanings which states attach to phenomena and subsequently their interests and identities are shaped via inter-state interaction. This does reflect an important facet of identity formation, but also neglects the historical and political contexts in which national interests are deeply embedded, because the interpretations defining state interests cannot be restricted to the meanings and ideas generated by inter-state interaction. After all, any state is inextricably linked to the domestic actors that take decisions in its name. These agents do internalise the norms characterising the international environment, yet they also approach politics with an already formed appreciation of the world, the international system and the position of their state within it (Weldes, 1996280). The national actors ideas and interpretation of all these issues stem partly from domestic political and cultural contexts. As Antonio Gramsci (1971112) noted, civil society is the sphere in which the deal to define the categories of common sense takes place.After revealing interests as expressions of ideas, one might advance the counterargument that such a conceptualisation applies only to individuals, becoming extraneous in the case of states and the international system. The latter brings forward another essential point of this paper, which argues that states articulate a constructed collective identity that influences what they perceive their interests to be. It is best shown when taking into account the example of foreign policy, a domain in which various actors make decisions according to their ideas and perceptions of the national interest. Following the collapse of the communist regime, Romania and its political leadership were faced with the opportunity to choose the appropriate future course for the emerging dem ocracy. Their decision was to actively pursue a transformation for the new state, seeking to create a collective identity with the West. But before proceeding with the empirical discussion, it has become imperative to define and conceptualise one of its central notions identity. This context particularly deals with state identity because it represents the most relevant instance for analysing foreign policy. In the philosophical sense, identity can be defined as whatever makes an entity what it is, although such a definition is too broad to render the concept meaningful. That is why, for analytical purposes and conceptual utility, identity will be understood using a two-faceted definition. On the one hand, it can be regarded as a property of intentional actors that generates motivational and behavioural dispositions (Wendt, 1999224). On the other hand, identity cannot be conceived without recognising that which is like, other and simultaneously like and other, or without an understa nding of the self which comes from this recognition (Norton cited by Campbell, 1992 78-79). Both facets of the definition suggest that identity contains at base a subjective or unit-level part rooted in an actors self-understandings. Their meaning will often depend on whether others represent that actor in the same way, a feature which configures the inter-subjective quality of identity (Wendt, 1999225). Even a simple example can illustrate the point in a more enlightening manner Helen might recover she is a lecturer but if that belief is not shared by her colleagues and students, then her identity will not operate in their interaction. In other words, both internal and external structures constitute an identity and it takes form under two types of ideas those held by the Self and those held by the Other. The character of this internal-external relationship varies, which leads to the existence of several kinds of identity, rather than one unitary phenomenon susceptible to a genera l definition. Building on the work of James Fearon (1999), a typology that features several kinds of identity will be presented here, all inextricably linked and feeding into each other personal and social, type, role, corporate and collective.First, personal identity is constituted by the self-organising, homeostatic structures that make actors clear entities (Greenwood, 1994). These structures have a material base represented by the human body, as well as a social component. The latter points to a set of attributes, beliefs, desires, or principles of action that a person thinks distinguish her in socially relevant ways and that (a) the person takes a special pride in (b) the person takes no special pride in, but which so orient her behavior that she would be at a loss about how to act and what to do without them or (c) the person feels she could not change even if she wanted to (Fearon, 199925). What differentiates the personal identity of intentional actors from that of other en tities is a consciousness and memory of Self as a separate locus of thought and activity (Wendt, 1999225).It cannot be denied that people constitute straightforward entities in virtue of biology, but without consciousness and memory a sense of I they are not agents. This aspect resonates even more in the case of a state, since its people must have a common biography of themselves as a corporate actor. Therefore, the state itself might be considered a group Self capable of group-level recognition (Wilson and Sober, 1994602).In the former, an identity is just a social category, a group of people designated by a label (or labels) that is commonly used either by the people designated, others, or both. This is the sense diligent when we refer to American, French, Muslim, father, homosexual, (p.10)National identities, like American or Russian, are examples of type identities. There are almost no contexts in which it would make sense to discourse of the the role of an American, excep t in a theatre play where role means part. Other social categories that are almost wholly type identities overwhelm party a_liation (e.g., Democrat or Republican), sexual identity (heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, etc.), and ethnic identity. Some identities or social categories involve both role and type. For example, mother is a role, but nonetheless we expect certain beliefs, attitudes, values, preferences, moral virtues, and so on, to be characteristic of people performing the role of mother (understandings that may change through time.) On the other hand, some role identities, which mainly but not exclusively comprise occupational categories, have few if any type features associated with them (for example, toll kiosk collector).Lastly, collective identity brings the Self-Other relationship to another stage and its logical conclusion identification. The latter represents a cognitive process in which the distinction between the two becomes blurred and sometimes even transcen ded, namely Self is categorised as Other. Identification tends to be issue specific and always involves extending the boundaries of the Self to include the Other. In this respect, collective identity uses both role and type ones and at the same time goes beyond their limits. It builds on role identities since both depend on the mechanism of incorporating the Other into the Self, which generates a socially constituted Me. The essential difference refers to their contrasting objectives role identities use the mechanism to enable the Self and Other to play distinct roles, whereas a collective identity aims to merge the two entities into a single one. In the case of type identities, the situation is slightly more complicated. Collective identity builds on them as both require shared characteristics, but not all type identities are collective because not all involve the identification processEspecially over the past decade, the discipline of IR has experienced what Yosef Lapid and Friedr ich Kratochwil (1996) called the return of culture and identity in IR theory. The 1950s and 1960s had brought for IR scholars an intense preoccupation with the role of national identities, particularly in the context of early EU integration studies by Karl Deutsch and Ernst Haas. Unfortunately, later on the concept became once again marginalised in favour of more objective and scientific approaches like neorealism and rational choice. The recent return of identity does not necessarily imply that the topical use of the term may be considered equivalent to that of the 1950s-1960s. Rather, since the late 1980s, a new strand of theory regarding identity has emerged and slowly developed, which rejects essentialist notions while emphasising the constructed nature of social and political identities (see for example McSweeney, 1999 Albert et al., 2001).One of the works that is most often cited when discussing the relationship between state identity and foreign policy is that of David Campb ell. In his 1992 book constitution security, he challenges the traditional narrative of asking how foreign policy serves the national interest and instead examines how the practice of foreign policy helps write and rewrite state identity.According to Campbell Danger is not an objective condition. It is not a thing which exists independently of those to whom it may become a threat (Campbell 1992 1). As danger is an effect of interpretation (Ibid 2), nothing is more or less dangerous than something else, except when interpreted as such. In terms of the non-essentialistic character of danger, the objectification and externalization of danger need to be understood as an effect of political practices rather than the condition of their possibility. As danger is never objective, Campbells argument continues, neither is the identity which it is said to threaten. Rather, the contours of this identity are subject to constant (re)writing, and foreign policy is an integral part of the discours es of danger which serve to discipline the state. Campbells theory a declared challenge to conventional approaches which assume a settled nature of identity is thus that state identity can be understood as the outcome of practices associated with a discourse of danger.We speak about the foreign policy of the state x or state y, thereby indicating that the state is prior to the policy, but Campbells creative insights come to challenge such a position. He explains that national states are paradoxical entities which do not possess prediscursive stable identities (Ibid 11). As states are always in the process of becoming, for a state to end its practices of representation would be to expose its lack of prediscursive foundations(Ibid 11). Ironically, the inability of the state project of security to succeed is the guarantor of the states continued success as an impelling identity. The constant articulation of danger through foreign policy is thus not a threat to a states identity or ex istence it is its condition of possibility( Ibid 12).Building on such theoretical understanding, this paper offers an account of the processes through which Romanian state identity and its insecurities are produced, reproduced, and potentially transformed.

History of Refugee Integration in the UK

History of Refugee Integration in the UKIs it accurate to say that the UK has a proud biography of providing safety for genuine refugees?In 1951, the United Nations passed the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees (known as the Refugee Convention). The aim of this was to protect persons, in the wake of the Second universe of discourse contend, being returned to states and nations where they would suffer persecution. It was the startle codification of a practice which is in fact centuries old that of developed countries pressing bulwark and psychiatric hospital to individuals who suffer such(prenominal) persecution. Since its inception and ratification, the Refugee Convention has been viewed diversely as a positive advance, and increasingly in recent years, as a hindrance to the United Kingdoms policies of migration underwrite. Although no rude has eer withdrawn from the Convention, this option has been suggested in Britain as a possible solution to the perceived p roblems relating to in-migration which the UK faces.How is it, then, that a solid ground that prides itself on its history of providing bema and protection to refugees, can be contemplating such a withdrawal from the codification of immigrant policy? The truth is that the belief of the United Kingdoms relationship with immigrants is somewhat little appealing than the proud history of public perception suggests. Nor is this proud history the only myth relating to the UKs relationship with immigration. It is similarly untrue to state that the UK is an immigration honey pot. The UK is certainly an attractive place for genuine refugees from persecution to approach. Official figures and patterns, however, suggest that the reality is somewhat different and that the scare-mongering and rabble-rousing employed by anti-immigrationists is somewhat misplaced.What, then, is a refugee? It is interesting that while persons and populations fleeing their homelands to escape persecution and suffe ring is as old as any civilisation, the term refugee is itself a relatively modern and highly specific term. cardinal tends to think of refugees as any in-migrant to, in this case, the British Isles, whether they be fleeing political or economic persecution, or indeed, in some cases, whether they are simply pursuit a better life in a new country. The modern, accepted definition of a refugee is to be found in Article 1 of the Refugee Convention, which describes a refugee as any person who has been considered a refugee under various other agreements, but more specific in ally, to a person whoas a result of events occurring forrader 1 January 1951 and owing to a puff up-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality and is unable, or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country or who, non having a nationality and being outside the country of his former habitual anteroom as a result of such events is unable or, owing to such fears, is unwilling to return to it.1There follows various provisions for a person so described ceasing to be classed as a refugee, for guinea pig where that person has re-availed himself of the protection of the country of his nationality.Having defined broadly what the statutory definition of a refugee is, the next wonder which ought to be considered is why such a person would wish to come to the UK? As shall be discussed, the UK has not always had such a proud history of offering sanctuary to refugees. This does not, however, detract from the fact that in the post-Second World War years, but even in eras prior to that, the UK has been seen as a very have and attractive prospect for refugees. Compared to certain Western countries, both indoors Europe and also in the wider economically developed West (Australia providing the most stark example), Britains polici es (and policies should be distinguished from actual practice and results here) have been relatively relaxed. The exact nature of these policies will be examined. Aside from these, the attractions of the United Kingdom to refugees are that the Isles offer political and religious freedom and liberty. The fact that the Church of England is part of the Establishment, this is less and less important in an increasingly secularised state, and anyway unimportant because of the primacy accorded to religious tolerance. within the UK, refugees will suffer no systematic and State-sponsored persecution as they might elsewhere. As will become apparent, however, this certainly does not mean that refugees granted sanctuary within the UK are guaranteed freedom from such persecution at the hands of the grass-roots population.There is, then, an important eminence to be remembered when considering the history of Britain as a provider of sanctuary to refugees. This note is between the official State attitude to immigration and sanctuary, most recognisably apparent, of course, in commandment, and the attitudes of the population, all-too- frequently categorised by prejudices and narrow-mindedness, and manifested in attacks and effectively persecution of such refugees.The first of import cessation of modern British history in which refugees became significant is that covering the years, roughly, from 1880 until the inception of the Refugee Convention in 1951. During this stop consonant, which witnessed the two largest sudden occurrences of mass-population movement occasioned by the two World Wars, Britain found herself facing a new problem, sensitive and difficult both in humanitarian terms, and also political feasibility. The first major piece of British legislation which considered the issue of refugees was the Aliens action 1905. Prior to this, there had been a series of Acts which sought to impose some sort of system of regulation of arriving aliens. Mostly, these requir ed know of in-bound ships to make reports of foreign aliens that they were carrying, and obliged all in-coming aliens to report to the Secretary of State upon arrival. The 1905 Act, however, introduced the first system of comprehensive adaption and immigration control. The Act placed control of such matters firmly with the Home Secretary. The most striking aspect of this new legislation was that it offered, for the first time, the Home Secretary the power to deport aliens whom he believed to be either criminals or paupers. The first category is understandable and, but 21st century standards even acceptable the second is not.The second major piece of legislation followed in 1914, with the Aliens Registration Act. This had more tangible effects on the accuracy of information relating to immigrants, as it made it compulsory for all immigrants over the age of 16 to register with the police. The immigrants were required to give detailed information to the police of their names, addres ses, occupations and race. If any such particulars changed, immigrants were required to register such changes. There was also a registration fee. Although the legislation looks to be relatively favourable to immigrants, the reality was somewhat different. This was largely due to the fact that the Aliens Act was weakly enforced. As Winder states, it soon became axiomatic that the scheme was clumsy and unworkable.2 This, then, was the legislation that was in place when the Great War broke out.The effect of the war on immigration was to bring near a massive influx of refugees from Russia and Belgium who sought sanctuary from persecution. A disproportionate number of these immigrants, particularly from Russia, were Jews. The influx led to an anti-alien backlash amongst the British population, however, although this was not indiscriminate. The fateful Germans did, of course, bear the brunt of this, but these were rarely refugees as we understand the term today. The fortunes of the Rus sian Jews, for example, was different, on occasion, from that of the Belgians. Jews had been banished from Moscow in1890, and their migration was therefore enforced. They provided an example of a genuine refugee, and sought to participate Britain as an alternative to their former place of residence. It is estimated that between 1881 and 1914, the number of Jews arriving as 150,000.3 Although Britain had set up the Board of Guardians for the Relief of the Jewish Poor, the backlash was encouraged by the ever-increasing number of Jewish arrivals. This is perhaps an early example of the disparity between what can be seen as state charity and willingness to obtain, and the uglier grass-roots antipathy to the effects of such policy. In Britain, the newly arrive Jews were the chief victims of the anti-immigration lobby.4Anti-Jewish feeling is what characterised the first half of the twentieth century, and this did not simply improve as the spectre of Nazi-ascendancy loomed. If anything, it became more institutionalised. In a report from the police of 1939 relating to the immigration of Jewish refugees, Jennifer Williams wrote that it may be remarked in passing however that the tone of their the polices report is predominantly anti-Jewish.5 and then the UK as a whole was slow to respond to the persecution of the Jews in its immigration policy, providing perhaps the worst example of how the UK has failed in its treatment of genuine refugees. The most striking example of this occurred in response to the Anschuss Hitlers annexation of Austria in March 1938. Britain was not alone, but her response was far from commendable. Along with other countries of first refuge, Britains Jewish refugee organisation was quick to exclude future entrants and asserted its right to select who it would support.6 In an example of state as opposed to grass-roots policy toward refugees, the British government moved rapidly to re-introduce a visa requirement to stem the influx of refugee Jew s.7 Any discussion of Britains proud history of providing sanctuary to genuine refugees must acknowledge that in the European Jews most desperate time of need, the UK, both at government and at grass-roots level, took active measures to prevent immigration of the needy.The second significant finale in a discussion of the relationship of Britain with refugees is that from the inception of the Refugee Convention in 1951 through till the late 1960 a period that witnessed an increasing dissipation of the British Empire. It was this phenomenon, rather than the enforcement of the Refugee Convention, that led to this period being seen as good period for refugees in Britain. Two significant Acts of Parliament in this period were the Commonwealth Immigrants Acts of 1962 and 1968. These characterised not only the attitudes of the state towards refugees, but also what could be, and has been, seen as an attempt to use the influx of immigrants to Britain in the post-war years as an publicizing for Britains generous policies towards refugees.It is here that another important distinction must be remembered that between immigrants and refugees as defined in the 1951 Convention. During the period from the end of the War till the Act, the overwhelming majority of immigrants to the UK were not classed as refugees. They came, rather, from Commonwealth and former Empire countries. As such, they enjoyed relatively easy access to Britain and the influx of, for example, West Africans, has been well documented. In little more than a decade, it has been estimated that more than 300,000 immigrants arrived.8 This was accompanied by an increase amongst the population of violence towards such communities (the immigrants, of course, tending to congregate together in geographical locations). The immigrants themselves were not wholly without blame, and reports abounded of violence and crime orchestrated by the immigrants themselves. It was the response of the domestic British population, ho wever, that was most problematic. The administrations response was a new work-permit scheme which, as Winder points out, had been carefully devised so as to exclude coloured workers without discriminating against them too explicitly.9 The Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962 was an example of the regime bowing to public pressure to take action, and as Rab Butler commented, it was a sad necessity.It was in this period after the Refugee Convention that the distinction became significant between refugee as defined in the Convention and simple asylum seekers. The former were required to demonstrate that they had a well-founded fear of persecution at home. political asylum applied, technically, to those who were evading arrest in another country on account of their political beliefs and where they could not expect a fair trial in that country. Subsequently, the distinction would become blurred and problematic, but in this period it was still a significant distinction, largely because of th e provisions of the Refugee Convention and the Commonwealth Immigrants Acts. The 1962 Act required all Commonwealth citizens pursuance employment in the United Kingdom to qualify for an employment voucher. Those without a British passport were also required to hold a work permit, which were not that easy to come by. The 1968 Act further tightened measures relating to immigrants. Under this Act, potential immigrants had to prove that either they, their parents or grandparents had been born in the UK. The effect of this is open for many, indeed most, this is an impossible requirement, and the Acts reflect the growing antipathy towards large scale immigration while at the same time, advertising Britain as a country that looked after and welcomed refugees and other immigrants.The final definable period is that from around the late 1960s until the present day, a period which has seen the number of refugees entering or seeking to enter Britain increase dramatically. The period has been characterised, again, by lenient and welcoming policies on the one hand, contrasted with stricter and prohibitive visa requirements and stricter interpretation of the Refugee Convention. The first occurrence in this trend was the legislation of 1971. The Immigration Act of that year rationalised the prior legislation relating to immigrants by dispensing with the existing distinction between Commonwealth and non-Commonwealth entrants.One of the growing problems in this period related to race relations between the British indigenous population and the immigrant communities. The Race Relations Act 1965 had made racial discrimination illegal, but this did not stem the growing hostility between British people and their new neighbours. ofttimes of this hostility was based upon scare-mongering by various elements within the British landscape both at grass-roots level and indeed in high politics. Refugees were to suffer as much as everyone else under such hostilities. It was estimated of ficially in the bear of Commons in 1967 that the non-white population of Britain would reach 3.5 million as soon as 1985. This turned out not to be the case, as the first number to show a non-white population in 1991 recorded the number to be less than 3 million.10 Such estimates and figures were used by many both in government and the press to lobby for tighter controls and a stricter policy.There was, in this period, an increasing, and false, supposition that the number of immigrants (including refugees) would start to burden the welfare state unduly. This, of course, provided one of the biggest draws to all potential migrants to the UK particularly, perhaps, to refugees. As Clarke points out, the post-war generation of immigrants would make demands on child welfare services and schools, they would make little demand on old aged pensions and geriatric care. Furthermore, the misconception intimately the overall scale and effect of immigration was based upon the fact that immigra nt populations tended to be so concentrated in particular areas.11It was, then, against this backdrop of increasing public incredulity and hostility, that accompanying British governments in the 1970s and 1980s had to balance the increasing toll of despotic regimes causing higher numbers of refugees, and the capacity of the state to accommodate them. Unfortunately, the balance seems to have tilted away from the refugees as the British interpretation of the Convention has tightened. It is worth noting that the Refugee Convention has never been incorporated into British law, and the British Government is therefore under no obligation to observe it. It was not until the Immigration Appeals Act 1993 that the government was even obliged to consider it. Under this Act, nothing in British immigration rules and practice should contravene the Convention. The process of application for asylum is protracted and uncertain. There are now strict requirements and high levels of evidence to sett le that one is a genuine refugee. An example of this is the need to prove that one is the member of a particular social group. How does one prove this? Another example of the British governments hardening attitudes towards immigrants is that those travelling to Britain through a third country are obliged to seek asylum there. This is, perhaps, a fair request, but it scarce reflects the policy of a country happy and willing to accommodate genuine refugees.The period since the 1880s has, then, seen a fluctuating level of concern for refugees seeking sanctuary within the UK. It cannot be said that Britain has a wholly proud history of accommodating genuine refugees, although her policies have tended to be slightly more lenient than her European and other Western neighbours (those seeking citizenship of the US must take a Constitutional exam to demonstrate their commitment to the country). It would be unfair to characterise successive British governments as being unaccommodating to gen uine refugees, and there have been measures put in place genuinely aimed at helping such immigrants. Much of the suffering that immigrants have undergone has occurred once they have been granted sanctuary, at the hands of the indigenous population (both at grass-roots level and in the political arena), who have often been afraid of the potential draining effect of the nations resources of such incoming populations, and who often forget the significant economic input such immigrants really make. On balance, it would seem that it is inaccurate to say that Britain has a proud history of granting asylum to genuine refugees.BIBLIOGRAPHYStatuteAliens Act 1905Aliens Registration Act 1914Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees 1951Immigration Act 1971Immigration Appeals Act 1993Race Relations Act 1965Secondary sourcesBrook, C. (Ed), The Caribbean in Europe (London, 1986)Clarke, P., trust and Glory (Penguin, 1996)Halsey, A.H. (Ed), Trends in British Society Since 1900 (1972)Lawrence, D., Black Migrants, White Natives (Cambridge, 1974)Layton-Henry, Z., The Politics of Immigration (Blackwell, 1992)London, L., Whitehall and the Jews (Cambridge, 1999)Nairn, T., The Break-up of Britain (London, 1981)Winder, R., Bloody Foreigners, the story of immigration to Britain (London, 2004)Footnotes1 Article 1(2) of the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, 28 July 19512 Winder, R., Bloody Foreigners, the story of immigration to Britain (London, 2004), p2023 Winder, p1784 Winder, p1955 J. Willians, Memorandum, 3 August 1939, quoted in London, L., Whitehall and the Jews (Cambridge, 1999), p2786 London, p587 Ibid8 Winder, p2839 Ibid10 Clarke, P., Hope and Glory (Penguin, 1996), p32611 Ibid

The American Dream: To Get Rich Quick :: Essay on the American Dream

Traditionally, Americans have sought to realize the American woolgather of success, fame and wealth through thrift and hard lick. However, the industrialization of the 19th and twentieth centuries began to erode the dream, replacing it with a philosophy of get rich quick. A variety of seductive but elusive strategies have evolved, and today the tether leading slipway to instant wealth ar large-prize television game shows, big-jackpot enunciate lotteries and compensation lawsuits. In this article, Matthew Warshauer, Professor of History at Central computerized axial tomography State University, examines why so many Americans are persuaded to seek these easy ways to their dream. How does nonpareil achieve the American day-dream? The answer undoubtedly depends upon ones definition of the Dream, and there are many from which to choose. John Winthrop envisioned a religious paradise in a City upon a Hill. Martin Luther King, jr. dreamed of racial equality. Both men yearned for what they perceived as perfection. Scholars have recognised widely varying conceptions of these quests for American excellence. One component of the American Dream seems, however, to be fairly consistent the quest for money. Few will deny that Americans are intently focused on the almighty dollar. In a confederacy dedicated to capitalism and the maxim that, the one who dies with the most toys wins, the ability to purchase a big house and a nice car separates those who are considered successful from those who are not. Yet the question remains, how does one achieve this success? How is the Dream established? For many Americans the formula is one of instant, albeit elusive, gratification. Rather than adhering to a traditional work ethic, far too many Americans are pinning their hopes on what they perceive as easy money. This article focuses on three phenomena in contemporary American society that have successfully captured the quest for the American Dream. Savvy marketers have convinced their audiences that a new wave of television game shows, lottery luck, and remunerative lawsuits are theThe American Dream To Get Rich Quick Essay on the American Dream Traditionally, Americans have sought to realize the American dream of success, fame and wealth through thrift and hard work. However, the industrialization of the 19th and 20th centuries began to erode the dream, replacing it with a philosophy of get rich quick. A variety of seductive but elusive strategies have evolved, and today the three leading ways to instant wealth are large-prize television game shows, big-jackpot state lotteries and compensation lawsuits. In this article, Matthew Warshauer, Professor of History at Central Connecticut State University, examines why so many Americans are persuaded to seek these easy ways to their dream. How does one achieve the American Dream? The answer undoubtedly de pends upon ones definition of the Dream, and there are many from which to choose. John Winthrop envisioned a religious paradise in a City upon a Hill. Martin Luther King, Jr. dreamed of racial equality. Both men yearned for what they perceived as perfection. Scholars have recognized widely varying conceptions of these quests for American excellence. One component of the American Dream seems, however, to be fairly consistent the quest for money. Few will deny that Americans are intently focused on the almighty dollar. In a society dedicated to capitalism and the maxim that, the one who dies with the most toys wins, the ability to purchase a big house and a nice car separates those who are considered successful from those who are not. Yet the question remains, how does one achieve this success? How is the Dream realized? For many Americans the formula is one of instant, albeit elusive, gratification. Rather than adhering to a traditional work ethi c, far too many Americans are pinning their hopes on what they perceive as easy money. This article focuses on three phenomena in contemporary American society that have successfully captured the quest for the American Dream. Savvy marketers have convinced their audiences that a new wave of television game shows, lottery luck, and lucrative lawsuits are the

BMG Inc Essay -- Music Industry Essays

BMG IncThe medicine effort has experienced dramatic shocks that will ultimately transform its structure. The transformations have been sparked by smart technologies and mesh use distributing euphony as a digital good. The MP3 audio format and the wide distribution network that has become on tap(predicate) via the Internet are driving changes in the recorded music commercialise structure and, thus, are simultaneously having significant impacts on the players in the traditional recorded music value chain. Global retail sales of recorded music dropped from $39.8Bn in 1996 to $38.5Bn in 1999 while the popularity of digital music has grown. This reflects digital musics new role as a strategic necessity of the music industry. It is obvious that the digital music format is here to stay and, indeed, is alertly becoming the favored product choice of music customers. Our group will hear the internal and external factors responsible for shaping this new groceryplace and analyze BMGs roles in the move to distribution of digital music.Financial AnalysisBMG Entertainment, a subsidiary of Bertelsmann media, is a privately held company therefore we can not study its market performance. However they do release financial statements to the public allowing industry performance to be measured (See Figure 1). To measure BMGs financial wellness and lucrativeness three tests were performed. These tests were also applied to the other major players in the music industry. An excellent way to determine BMGs financial health is a quick balance, also known as the acid test ratio which was calculated and compared to it rivals. The quick ratio is calculated by taking a firms authentic assets minus inventory divided by current liabilities this allows you see how well the firm can pay back its debts in a apropos matter. BMG, with a ratio of 2.39, simply trails Sony, and along with Sony they are the only ones to have a ratio over one, meaning the other three firms have to a grea ter extent debt than cash and cash equivalents. This is good sign of financial health because BMG has more than twice the amount of liquid assets to cover its immediate debts unlike its competitors who find themselves rather short. The final two tests net get margin (net bread over sales) and return on assets (net profit before taxes over sales), measure firms profitability. displace profit margin measures how much profit is generat... ...68 DEM 8,652 1,143 1,013 JPY 210,516 JPY 176,191 $6,971 $8,881 $8,769 $9,861Inventory DEM 1,278 DEM 1,569 JPY 16,274 JPY 12,918 $2,627 $2,555 $2,258 $2,182Current Liabilities DEM 2,317 DEM 3,100 2,255 2,098 JPY 56,749 JPY 54,361 $4,709 $8,146 $9,070 $9,670Net Profit DEM 1,122 DEM 910 210 132 JPY 36,264 JPY 31,863 $946 $686 $168 $1,960Taxes DEM 520 DEM 845 97 72 JPY 9,0 38 JPY 3,929 $702 $343 $418 $1,540Sales DEM 22,985 DEM 25,991 3,309 2,374 JPY 226,575 JPY 226,656 $9,474 $12,312 $26,244 $27,333 *note Inventory level not available for EMI due to differences in British accounting practices. All figures obtained from the consolidate financial reports contained inside the parents annual report. Table 1 Financial Results for BMG BMG Inc Essay -- Music industriousness Essays BMG IncThe music industry has experienced dramatic shocks that will ultimately transform its structure. The transformations have been sparked by new technologies and Internet use distributing music as a digital good. The MP3 audio format and the wide distribution network that has become available via the Internet are driving changes in the recorded music market structure and, thus, are simultaneously having significant impacts on the players in the traditional recorded music value chain. Global retail sales of recorded music dropped from $39.8Bn in 1996 to $38.5Bn in 1999 while the popularity of digital music has grown. This reflects digital musics new role as a strategic necessity of the music industry. It is obvious that the digital music format is here to stay and, indeed, is quickly becoming the preferred product choice of music customers. Our group will examine the internal and external factors responsible for shaping this new marketplace and analyze BMGs roles in the move to distribution of digital music.Financial AnalysisBMG Entertainment, a subsidiary of Bertelsmann media, is a privately held company therefore we can not study its market performance. However they do release financial statements to the public allowing industry performance to be measured (See Figure 1). To measure BMGs fin ancial health and profitability three tests were performed. These tests were also applied to the other major players in the music industry. An excellent way to determine BMGs financial health is a quick ratio, also known as the acid test ratio which was calculated and compared to it rivals. The quick ratio is calculated by taking a firms current assets minus inventory divided by current liabilities this allows you see how well the firm can pay back its debts in a timely matter. BMG, with a ratio of 2.39, only trails Sony, and along with Sony they are the only ones to have a ratio over one, meaning the other three firms have more debt than cash and cash equivalents. This is good sign of financial health because BMG has more than twice the amount of liquid assets to cover its immediate debts unlike its competitors who find themselves quite short. The final two tests net profit margin (net profits over sales) and return on assets (net profit before taxes over sales), measure firms prof itability. Net profit margin measures how much profit is generat... ...68 DEM 8,652 1,143 1,013 JPY 210,516 JPY 176,191 $6,971 $8,881 $8,769 $9,861Inventory DEM 1,278 DEM 1,569 JPY 16,274 JPY 12,918 $2,627 $2,555 $2,258 $2,182Current Liabilities DEM 2,317 DEM 3,100 2,255 2,098 JPY 56,749 JPY 54,361 $4,709 $8,146 $9,070 $9,670Net Profit DEM 1,122 DEM 910 210 132 JPY 36,264 JPY 31,863 $946 $686 $168 $1,960Taxes DEM 520 DEM 845 97 72 JPY 9,038 JPY 3,929 $702 $343 $418 $1,540Sales DEM 22,985 DEM 25,991 3,309 2,374 JPY 226,575 JPY 226,656 $9,474 $12,312 $26,244 $27,333 *note Inventory level not available for EMI due to differences in British accounting practices. All figures obtained from the consolidated financial reports contained inside the parents annual report. Table 1 Financial Results for BMG