Identity Formation and the Development of National Interest

individualism Formation and the Development of National InterestConstructivism Ideas, Identity and Foreign PolicyIn the analysis of world(prenominal) politics, the service of indistinguishability formation and how national interests argon c at one timeived should acquaint central issues, as they are inextricably linked to a supposes foreign policy. The importance of identities results from the fact that they perform deuce vital functions expressing to the self and new(prenominal)s who the self is, as well as expressing to the self who others are. payable to the first function, having a certain identity determines an associated cast of preferences regarding the choices of action in various circumstances and when different actors are involved. That is why a enounces identity generates its interests and concomitant behaviour towards fellow members and situations related to the international system. The second function implies that a state perceives others according to the i dentities it attri barelyes to them, triumphion at the same time reproducing its own identity through mixer interaction and practice (Tajfel, 1981255). These notions have been conceptualised and emphasised in IR theory by constructivist scholars, who argue that global politics originates not only in the international system that also in an international society. Constructivists stress the constitutive beliefs of ideas and norms that set the parameters within which identities and interests are formulated (Brown and Ainley, 200349). When studying inter-state relations, it has become requirement to analyse how ideas are pull ind, how they evolve and influence states perceptions and response to their situation. In order to achieve much(prenominal) an objective, constructivism plays a key role by promoting the tenet that the vogue in which the cloth world shapes and is shaped by valet action and interaction depends on dynamic normative and epistemic interpretations of the te mporal world (Adler, 1997322). From this perspective, constructivist corpseworks try that even the close to enduring institutions are based on collective understandings. Their important contribution to the study of IR lies mainly in emphasising the ontological truthfulness of intersubjective knowledge, along with its epistemological and methodological implications. That is why constructivism argues international relations consist primarily of tender facts, which have acquired such a status due to human agreement. They represent reified structures that were conceived ex nihilo by human consciousness, subsequently being diffused and consolidated until they were perplexn for granted (Adler, 1997322-323).Constructivist scholars also believe that actors attach meanings to and cognitively frame the material world as well as their experiences. So collective understandings or the distribution of knowledge offer the reasons why certain elements are as they are, as well as the indicatio ns as to how actors should deploy their material capabilities (Wendt, 1992397).One might deduce from the previous statement that the context of collective meanings structures the preferences and behaviour of political actors, which would suggest that constructivism features deterministic tendencies. On the contrary, its theoretical premises have a much more nuanced nature and the constructivist position within the agency-structure debate asserts that the two elements are mutually constitutive. Constructivism argues that meaningful conduct is possible only within an intersubjective social context, since agents develop relations with and understandings of others via ideas, norms and practices. In their absence, actions like the exercise of power would be clean-handed of meaning because ideas and norms have constitutive effects on identity, specifying the features that will enable others to screw that identity and respond to it accordingly (Jep psyche, Wendt and Katzenstein, 199654). In this process, agents exert their influence by consciously perpetuating and reproducing the social context through their prolonged actions and practices. A monumental point to remember is that structure becomes meaningless without some intersubjective set of ideas and norms, so neither anarchy nor the distribution of capabilities al oneness can socialise states to a particular conduct (Dessler, 1989459-460).Until now the discussion of constructivism has mentioned several(prenominal) times the notions of constitutive effects or being mutually constitutive, but without describing more elaborately what they entail. The relation of constitution must be differentiated from that of causality, as constitutive theories enquire about the conditions which represent a phenomenon, chip ining it possible. In this respect, Robert Cummins employs the concept of property theories because they have a different objective from causal explanations to account for the properties of things by refere nce to the structures in justness of which they exist (Cummins, 1983). Another key aspect of constitutive theorising refers to the fact that the counterfactual claim of necessity is conceptual or logical, not causal or indispensable (Wendt, 1998106). For instance, the conditions constituting a phenomenon define what the latter is, which conveys a relationship of identity not causal determination. These two components are inextricably linked, so that when the conditions come into being, the phenomenon comes into being with them. By contrast, causal explanations rest on two different assumptions the factors causing an event exist independently from their outcome and are also temporally prior to it. If one applies these theoretical assumptions to the context of ideas, several implications become immediately apparent. The significant role that ideas play in international relations is fully acknowledged only when we recognise their constitutive effects (Wendt, 199987). The relationship of constitution derives from the fact that ideas create political outcomes by shaping their properties, meanings, perceptions or interpretations. These are in turn dependent on their ideational source, they exist only in virtue of those ideas terrorism cannot be conceived apart from a national security give-and-take that defines it. The national security sermon is in turn inextricably linked to constructing a notion of terrorism, since without it the concept would be meaningless.When analysing foreign policy, dominant schools of thought in IR theory ordinarily ignore ideas and identity or regard them as intervening variables at best, helping to account for outcomes which surpass the explanatory abilities of traditional materialist factors like power and interests. The salute in question is problematic as it does not encompass fully the ideational impact ideas in fact create materialist causes. The bottom line of what becomes most contested in the materialist-idealist debate i s the relative contribution of brute material forces to power and interest explanations as opposed to ideas (Wendt, 199994). At this point it might be useful to consider briefly the traditional view of materialism which originates in Marxism. The classical Marxist dichotomy portrays the material base as the mode of production, while culture, ideology and other ideational factors belong to a non-material superstructure. Wendt believes the same principles can be extended and applied to naive realism after all, modes of destruction are as basic as modes of production (Wendt, 199994). Both instances contain a crucial issue, namely that ideational factors become completely separated from economic and military considerations. here(predicate) D.V. Porpora noted a conceptual contradiction, considering the fact that Marxism defines the modes of production not only via forces, but also via relations of production. Relations represent ideational phenomena embodied by institutions that ultima tely refer to shared norms (Porpora, 1993214). The obvious implication points to the fact that the material base of Marxism is actually infused with ideas and norms, which also reveals their constitutive role concerning materialism generallyTo gain reinforce such an argument, it is necessary to quarrel the accomplished materialist view of interests by acknowledging their nature interests are actually cognitions or ideas. This perspective has been promoted by two explicit fields of knowledge and their associated scholars cultural anthropology and philosophy. Drawing on cognitive psychology, the anthropologist R.G. DAndrade (199228) sees interests, desires or motivations as schemas (frames, representations, ideas), which reflect knowledge structures that make possible the acknowledgement of objects and events. A significant aspect to remember is that schemas are not given by human nature. DAndrade (199231) admits that some interests can be rooted in biological drives which allud es to their material nature, but biology fails to explain most of the goals human beings seem capable of pursuing and these are learned through assimilation. In this consciousness, the anthropologist offers the example of an interest for achievement it implies a social standard about what counts as a legitimate aspiration and the individuals desiring to achieve have internalised that standard as a cognitive schema (DAndrade, 199235). A very similar opinion has been advanced by R.B.K. Howe who draws on philosophy to articulate a cognitive theory of interest or desire. He too acknowledges that biological tools influence interests, yet even very primitive desires are mostly directionless and depend on beliefs or ideas about what is desirable to render them meaningful (Howe, 1994). That is why ideas play a key role in defining and directing material gather ups one perceives a goal as valuable, which in turn determines ones interest in accomplishing it. These perceptions are learne d sometimes by interacting with nature which resonates with materialist factors, but mostly they are learned through socialisation to culture an inherently idealist phenomenon (Howe, 1994). Consequently, having reached similar conclusions starting from different premises, scholars in cultural anthropology and philosophy identify the cognitive basis of interests, or that ideas and not material drives create interests to a great extent.In foreign policy analysis, the concept of national interest has been accorded considerably more explanatory ability compared to other variables, in particular due to the influence of the classical realist and neorealist frameworks. However, is its nature inherently materialist and objective as the realist school of thought would have one believe? Or does it rather represent the product and construct of different interpretation processes, in which case ideas and identity become essential? The neorealist approach to international relations rests on th e assumptions that the distribution of material capability in the states system can be objectively assessed and that threats to national interests can be accurately recognised. Such a perspective largely ignores that threats are not self-evident and the national interest, when confronted with a problematic situation, becomes a matter of interpretation (Weldes, 1996279), hence the significant influence of ideas and identity. Moreover, constructivism convincingly challenges the objective and materialist view of realism concerning national interests, reintroducing the crucial role of ideas and identity. It does so by promoting the tenet that people act towards objects, including other actors, on the basis of the meanings that the objects have for them (Wendt, 1992396-397). Wendts work has had a natural contribution in reconceptualising the national interest as the product of intersubjective processes of meaning creation. Nevertheless, consistent with the neorealist tradition, he regar ds states through the black box metaphor, their internal processes being remote to the construction of state identities and interests. Wendt (1992401) argues that the meanings which states attach to phenomena and subsequently their interests and identities are shaped via inter-state interaction. This does reflect an important facet of identity formation, but also neglects the historical and political contexts in which national interests are deeply embedded, because the interpretations defining state interests cannot be restricted to the meanings and ideas generated by inter-state interaction. After all, any state is inextricably linked to the domestic actors that take decisions in its name. These agents do internalise the norms characterising the international environment, yet they also approach politics with an already formed appreciation of the world, the international system and the position of their state within it (Weldes, 1996280). The national actors ideas and interpretation of all these issues stem partly from domestic political and cultural contexts. As Antonio Gramsci (1971112) noted, civil society is the sphere in which the deal to define the categories of common sense takes place.After revealing interests as expressions of ideas, one might advance the counterargument that such a conceptualisation applies only to individuals, becoming extraneous in the case of states and the international system. The latter brings forward another essential point of this paper, which argues that states articulate a constructed collective identity that influences what they perceive their interests to be. It is best shown when taking into account the example of foreign policy, a domain in which various actors make decisions according to their ideas and perceptions of the national interest. Following the collapse of the communist regime, Romania and its political leadership were faced with the opportunity to choose the appropriate future course for the emerging dem ocracy. Their decision was to actively pursue a transformation for the new state, seeking to create a collective identity with the West. But before proceeding with the empirical discussion, it has become imperative to define and conceptualise one of its central notions identity. This context particularly deals with state identity because it represents the most relevant instance for analysing foreign policy. In the philosophical sense, identity can be defined as whatever makes an entity what it is, although such a definition is too broad to render the concept meaningful. That is why, for analytical purposes and conceptual utility, identity will be understood using a two-faceted definition. On the one hand, it can be regarded as a property of intentional actors that generates motivational and behavioural dispositions (Wendt, 1999224). On the other hand, identity cannot be conceived without recognising that which is like, other and simultaneously like and other, or without an understa nding of the self which comes from this recognition (Norton cited by Campbell, 1992 78-79). Both facets of the definition suggest that identity contains at base a subjective or unit-level part rooted in an actors self-understandings. Their meaning will often depend on whether others represent that actor in the same way, a feature which configures the inter-subjective quality of identity (Wendt, 1999225). Even a simple example can illustrate the point in a more enlightening manner Helen might recover she is a lecturer but if that belief is not shared by her colleagues and students, then her identity will not operate in their interaction. In other words, both internal and external structures constitute an identity and it takes form under two types of ideas those held by the Self and those held by the Other. The character of this internal-external relationship varies, which leads to the existence of several kinds of identity, rather than one unitary phenomenon susceptible to a genera l definition. Building on the work of James Fearon (1999), a typology that features several kinds of identity will be presented here, all inextricably linked and feeding into each other personal and social, type, role, corporate and collective.First, personal identity is constituted by the self-organising, homeostatic structures that make actors clear entities (Greenwood, 1994). These structures have a material base represented by the human body, as well as a social component. The latter points to a set of attributes, beliefs, desires, or principles of action that a person thinks distinguish her in socially relevant ways and that (a) the person takes a special pride in (b) the person takes no special pride in, but which so orient her behavior that she would be at a loss about how to act and what to do without them or (c) the person feels she could not change even if she wanted to (Fearon, 199925). What differentiates the personal identity of intentional actors from that of other en tities is a consciousness and memory of Self as a separate locus of thought and activity (Wendt, 1999225).It cannot be denied that people constitute straightforward entities in virtue of biology, but without consciousness and memory a sense of I they are not agents. This aspect resonates even more in the case of a state, since its people must have a common biography of themselves as a corporate actor. Therefore, the state itself might be considered a group Self capable of group-level recognition (Wilson and Sober, 1994602).In the former, an identity is just a social category, a group of people designated by a label (or labels) that is commonly used either by the people designated, others, or both. This is the sense diligent when we refer to American, French, Muslim, father, homosexual, (p.10)National identities, like American or Russian, are examples of type identities. There are almost no contexts in which it would make sense to discourse of the the role of an American, excep t in a theatre play where role means part. Other social categories that are almost wholly type identities overwhelm party a_liation (e.g., Democrat or Republican), sexual identity (heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual, etc.), and ethnic identity. Some identities or social categories involve both role and type. For example, mother is a role, but nonetheless we expect certain beliefs, attitudes, values, preferences, moral virtues, and so on, to be characteristic of people performing the role of mother (understandings that may change through time.) On the other hand, some role identities, which mainly but not exclusively comprise occupational categories, have few if any type features associated with them (for example, toll kiosk collector).Lastly, collective identity brings the Self-Other relationship to another stage and its logical conclusion identification. The latter represents a cognitive process in which the distinction between the two becomes blurred and sometimes even transcen ded, namely Self is categorised as Other. Identification tends to be issue specific and always involves extending the boundaries of the Self to include the Other. In this respect, collective identity uses both role and type ones and at the same time goes beyond their limits. It builds on role identities since both depend on the mechanism of incorporating the Other into the Self, which generates a socially constituted Me. The essential difference refers to their contrasting objectives role identities use the mechanism to enable the Self and Other to play distinct roles, whereas a collective identity aims to merge the two entities into a single one. In the case of type identities, the situation is slightly more complicated. Collective identity builds on them as both require shared characteristics, but not all type identities are collective because not all involve the identification processEspecially over the past decade, the discipline of IR has experienced what Yosef Lapid and Friedr ich Kratochwil (1996) called the return of culture and identity in IR theory. The 1950s and 1960s had brought for IR scholars an intense preoccupation with the role of national identities, particularly in the context of early EU integration studies by Karl Deutsch and Ernst Haas. Unfortunately, later on the concept became once again marginalised in favour of more objective and scientific approaches like neorealism and rational choice. The recent return of identity does not necessarily imply that the topical use of the term may be considered equivalent to that of the 1950s-1960s. Rather, since the late 1980s, a new strand of theory regarding identity has emerged and slowly developed, which rejects essentialist notions while emphasising the constructed nature of social and political identities (see for example McSweeney, 1999 Albert et al., 2001).One of the works that is most often cited when discussing the relationship between state identity and foreign policy is that of David Campb ell. In his 1992 book constitution security, he challenges the traditional narrative of asking how foreign policy serves the national interest and instead examines how the practice of foreign policy helps write and rewrite state identity.According to Campbell Danger is not an objective condition. It is not a thing which exists independently of those to whom it may become a threat (Campbell 1992 1). As danger is an effect of interpretation (Ibid 2), nothing is more or less dangerous than something else, except when interpreted as such. In terms of the non-essentialistic character of danger, the objectification and externalization of danger need to be understood as an effect of political practices rather than the condition of their possibility. As danger is never objective, Campbells argument continues, neither is the identity which it is said to threaten. Rather, the contours of this identity are subject to constant (re)writing, and foreign policy is an integral part of the discours es of danger which serve to discipline the state. Campbells theory a declared challenge to conventional approaches which assume a settled nature of identity is thus that state identity can be understood as the outcome of practices associated with a discourse of danger.We speak about the foreign policy of the state x or state y, thereby indicating that the state is prior to the policy, but Campbells creative insights come to challenge such a position. He explains that national states are paradoxical entities which do not possess prediscursive stable identities (Ibid 11). As states are always in the process of becoming, for a state to end its practices of representation would be to expose its lack of prediscursive foundations(Ibid 11). Ironically, the inability of the state project of security to succeed is the guarantor of the states continued success as an impelling identity. The constant articulation of danger through foreign policy is thus not a threat to a states identity or ex istence it is its condition of possibility( Ibid 12).Building on such theoretical understanding, this paper offers an account of the processes through which Romanian state identity and its insecurities are produced, reproduced, and potentially transformed.